International mega-science radio telescope project driving advanced computing and big data analytics capabilities.
India and South Africa reviewed their flagship cooperation on the Square Kilometre Array (SKA) project during the June 2026 bilateral technology partnership upgrade, recognizing it as a critical driver for global computing capabilities.
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Term |
Detail |
|
SKA-Mid |
Located in South Africa, focuses on mid-frequency radio observations |
|
SKA-Low |
Located in Australia, targets low-frequency radio spectrum |
|
Data Volume |
Approximately 700 petabytes of raw data generated annually |
|
Observatory HQ |
Jodlebank, UK; established as intergovernmental body in 2019 |
|
India's Role |
Founding member; contributes via TIFR and research institutions |
|
Sensitivity |
50x more sensitive than existing radio telescopes |
Open-source, interoperable digital platforms enabling inclusive service delivery at population scale.
India and South Africa have mandated Digital Public Infrastructure (DPI) as one of the primary pillars for their next-generation technology partnership in June 2026, moving toward scalable technology commercialization.
|
Term |
Detail |
|
India Stack |
Aadhaar + UPI + DigiLocker—India's foundational DPI layers |
|
UPI Transactions |
Over 100 billion transactions in FY 2025-26 |
|
G20 DPI Push |
India's 2023 G20 presidency elevated DPI as global framework |
|
Core Principles |
Open, interoperable, minimalist, federated governance |
|
Global Adoption |
Over 20 countries adopting India's DPI model |
|
Legal Framework |
Digital India Act (under consultation) for DPI governance |
World's largest free trade area by number of countries, creating a unified continental market.
India is increasingly leveraging the AfCFTA—a USD 3.4 trillion market covering 1.4 billion people—by establishing manufacturing hubs in South Africa and Kenya for continent-wide market access as part of its realigned Africa strategy in June 2026.
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Term |
Detail |
|
Member States |
54 of 55 AU nations; Eritrea is the only non-member |
|
Market Size |
USD 3.4 trillion GDP, 1.4 billion people |
|
Operational Launch |
1 January 2021; secretariat in Accra, Ghana |
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Tariff Target |
Eliminate 90% of tariffs on goods progressively |
|
Trade Boost |
Expected 52% increase in intra-Africa trade by 2030 |
|
AU Agenda Link |
Aligned with African Union Agenda 2063 integration vision |
World's oldest customs union, facilitating tariff-free trade among southern African nations.
India has paused plans for a continent-wide Africa FTA and is prioritizing agreements with regional blocs like SACU in June 2026, enabling easier movement of goods across 5 member states.
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Term |
Detail |
|
Establishment |
World's oldest customs union—1910, current form 1969 |
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Member States |
Botswana, Eswatini, Lesotho, Namibia, South Africa |
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HQ Location |
Windhoek, Namibia; SACU Secretariat coordinates policy |
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Dominant Economy |
South Africa—approximately 70% of SACU GDP |
|
India-SACU PTA |
Negotiations ongoing since 2007 for enhanced market access |
|
Overlap |
Members also part of SADC (Southern African Development Community) |
India's maritime domain awareness hub enhancing regional maritime security through information sharing.
Under the SAGAR doctrine, India has strengthened maritime cooperation with African nations through maritime domain awareness initiatives and information-sharing via the IFC-IOR to secure vital sea lanes in June 2026.
India has strengthened maritime cooperation with African nations through joint naval engagements and information-sharing via the Information Fusion Centre–Indian Ocean Region (IFC-IOR) under the SAGAR doctrine to secure vital sea lanes against piracy and illicit trafficking.
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Term |
Detail |
|
Establishment |
December 2018 at Gurugram, Haryana |
|
Parent Body |
Indian Navy—operates under IMAC framework |
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Partner Nations |
Over 30 countries with White Shipping linkages |
|
Liaison Officers |
21 International Liaison Officers stationed at IFC-IOR |
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SAGAR Doctrine |
Announced 2015—cooperative maritime security framework |
|
Operational Mode |
24x7 monitoring of maritime domain across Indian Ocean |
India's flagship multilateral platform for structured engagement with African nations.
The convening of IAFS-IV in 2026 resets the continental roadmap, transitioning bilateral dialogues from sporadic engagements to sustained, structural geopolitical alignments at the highest executive levels.
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Term |
Detail |
|
Launch Year |
2008—IAFS-I held in New Delhi |
|
Latest Summit |
IAFS-IV (2026)—resets continental engagement roadmap |
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IAFS-III Commitment |
USD 10 billion LoC over 5 years, 18 new missions |
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Diplomatic Missions |
Total 46 missions across Africa post-IAFS-III expansion |
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LoC Extended |
Over USD 12 billion across 42 African countries |
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AU-G20 Membership |
AU granted permanent G20 membership during India's 2023 presidency |
Central scheme for digitization of land records, cadastral maps, and assignment of Unique Land Parcel Identification Numbers (ULPIN) across India.
As part of India's ease of doing business reforms, DILRMP has digitized 97.37% of cadastral maps and assigned ULPIN (Aadhaar for Land) to over 36 crore land parcels, significantly improving property registration transparency.
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Term |
Detail |
|
DILRMP Full Form |
Digital India Land Records Modernisation Programme |
|
ULPIN |
Unique Land Parcel ID; 14-digit "Aadhaar for Land" |
|
ULPIN Coverage |
36 crore+ land parcels assigned |
|
Cadastral Digitization |
97.37% of maps digitized |
|
NGDRS Status |
Operational in only 17 States/UTs (2026) |
|
Nodal Department |
Department of Land Resources, Ministry of Rural Development |
Integrated digital platform for obtaining environmental, forest, wildlife, and coastal regulation zone clearances from central and state authorities.
Under India's business reforms, PARIVESH 2.0 has reduced environmental clearance processing time to 64 days, streamlining approvals that previously took several months and involved multiple agencies.
|
Term |
Detail |
|
PARIVESH 2.0 |
Environmental single window clearance portal |
|
Processing Time |
Reduced to 64 days average |
|
Legislation Coverage |
4 acts: EPA 1986, FCA 1980, WPA 1972, CRZ 2011 |
|
Nodal Ministry |
Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change |
|
Key Feature |
Real-time tracking and digital monitoring |
|
Integration |
Coordinates with National Single Window System |
Integrated multi-modal infrastructure planning platform connecting 58 ministries through GIS layers for coordinated national logistics development.
The PM GatiShakti platform has evaluated 352 infrastructure projects worth ₹16.1 lakh crore through integration of 3,199 GIS layers across 58 ministries and all States/UTs, demonstrating coordinated infrastructure planning.
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Term |
Detail |
|
PM GatiShakti Launch |
13 October 2021; 75th Independence Anniversary |
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Ministerial Coverage |
58 central ministries + all States/UTs |
|
GIS Integration |
3,199 Geographic Information System layers |
|
Projects Evaluated |
352 projects worth ₹16.1 lakh crore |
|
Six Pillars |
Comprehensiveness, Prioritization, Optimization, Synchronization, Analytics, Dynamic |
|
Core Objective |
Multi-modal connectivity; eliminate infrastructure silos |
Legal principle protecting the validity of acts performed by officials later found to have held office irregularly — safeguards judicial rulings from procedural invalidation.
Legal experts cite the Gokaraju Rangaraju case (1981) and the de facto doctrine to argue that even if the May 2026 Presidential Ordinance expanding Supreme Court strength lapses, the rulings by judges appointed under it would remain legally valid.
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Term |
Detail |
|
De Facto Doctrine |
Legal principle protecting acts by officials holding office under colour of authority |
|
Gokaraju Rangaraju (1981) |
SC case establishing validity of judgments despite defective judicial appointments |
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Protection Scope |
Protects acts performed, not the appointment itself |
|
2026 Application |
Would protect rulings by 3 ordinance-appointed SC judges if Bill fails |
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Unprecedented Risk |
SC judge on expired ordinance post never tested in Indian history |
|
Good Faith Requirement |
Official must act under apparent legal authority with public reliance |
The President of India's decision in May 2026 to expand the Supreme Court's sanctioned judicial strength from 34 to 38 judges through an ordinance under Article 123 has reignited constitutional debates on the scope and limits of executive legislative power. This development raises fundamental questions about the separation of powers, parliamentary supremacy, and the legitimate use of ordinance-making authority in matters concerning the structure of constitutional institutions.
Article 123 of the Indian Constitution empowers the President to promulgate ordinances when Parliament is not in session and circumstances necessitate immediate legislative action. These ordinances carry the same force as Acts of Parliament but are temporary measures, expiring six weeks after Parliament reassembles unless replaced by legislation. This provision was designed as an emergency legislative tool to address urgent governance needs during parliamentary recess.
The framers of the Constitution envisioned ordinances as extraordinary measures, not substitutes for regular legislative processes. Dr. B.R. Ambedkar emphasized that ordinance power should be used sparingly and only when genuine urgency exists. The temporary nature of ordinances reflects the primacy of parliamentary sovereignty in India's constitutional scheme.
Article 124(1) explicitly vests Parliament with the authority to determine the Supreme Court's composition and strength "by law." This constitutional design reflects the principle that structural changes to apex judicial institutions should undergo democratic deliberation and legislative scrutiny. The phrase "by law" signifies that only Parliament—not the executive—possesses the competence to alter the Supreme Court's fundamental architecture.
Historically, changes to the Supreme Court's strength have been effected through Parliamentary legislation, ensuring debate, consultation, and democratic legitimacy. The Supreme Court (Number of Judges) Act has been amended multiple times by Parliament, gradually increasing judicial strength to address rising caseloads and pendency.
In May 2026, the President issued an ordinance creating three additional judicial positions in the Supreme Court, expanding the sanctioned strength to 38 judges. Subsequently, five new judges were appointed—two filling existing vacancies within the original 34-judge baseline, and three occupying the ordinance-created seats. This ordinance is scheduled to expire during the monsoon session of Parliament in August 2026 unless replaced by legislation.
The appointment of Justice V. Mohana, the junior-most judge, depends entirely on the ordinance's validity. If Parliament fails to convert the ordinance into law before it lapses, the legal status of appointments to the three additional seats becomes constitutionally uncertain, potentially creating unprecedented judicial complications.
This development tests the boundaries between executive convenience and constitutional propriety. If upheld, using ordinances to alter the composition of constitutional institutions could establish a precedent for executive overreach, potentially undermining parliamentary sovereignty and separation of powers.
The controversy underscores the tension between addressing urgent governance needs—such as judicial pendency—and adhering to constitutional processes that ensure democratic legitimacy. The Supreme Court's own pending caseload of over 80,000 cases provides context for the expansion's urgency, yet raises questions about whether administrative exigency justifies constitutional shortcuts.
The use of ordinance power to create judicial positions raises concerns about judicial independence. Judges appointed to ordinance-created seats may face questions about the legitimacy of their tenure, potentially affecting public confidence in judicial appointments and the independence of the judiciary itself.
The ordinance faces several constitutional obstacles. First, Article 124(1)'s explicit requirement that Parliament determine the Supreme Court's strength "by law" appears to preclude executive action through ordinances. Second, the Supreme Court's landmark ruling in D.C. Wadhwa vs State of Bihar (1986) condemned governing through repromulgated ordinances as a "fraud on the Constitution," establishing that ordinance power cannot substitute for legislative processes.
Third, the absence of demonstrable urgency raises questions about whether the constitutional conditions for ordinance promulgation were satisfied. Parliament could have been convened or the matter addressed in regular session, suggesting the expansion was more a matter of administrative convenience than genuine emergency.
Accepting ordinances as legitimate instruments for structural judicial changes could establish dangerous precedents. Future governments might use similar logic to alter other constitutional institutions, eroding the system of checks and balances. The question arises: if the Supreme Court's composition can be changed by ordinance, what prevents similar executive actions affecting the Election Commission, CAG, or other constitutional bodies?
The precarious legal status of appointments to ordinance-created seats creates uncertainty. If Parliament rejects or fails to replace the ordinance with legislation, the validity of judicial decisions rendered by judges occupying these seats could be challenged, potentially causing institutional chaos and undermining judicial authority.
Parliament must address the ordinance during the monsoon session of August 2026, either by passing replacement legislation or allowing it to lapse. The legislative debate should thoroughly examine the constitutional propriety of using ordinance power for structural judicial changes and establish clear principles for future cases.
The Supreme Court should consider constituting a larger bench to examine the validity of using Article 123 for matters explicitly reserved to Parliament under Article 124(1). Such judicial scrutiny would provide authoritative guidance on the limits of ordinance power and prevent future executive overreach.
This controversy highlights the need for a permanent mechanism to regularly review and adjust the Supreme Court's strength based on objective criteria such as caseload, disposal rates, and pendency levels. A standing parliamentary committee could periodically assess judicial requirements and recommend legislative changes through proper constitutional channels.
The executive and Parliament should develop clearer conventions regarding ordinance use, emphasizing that this power is truly exceptional and cannot substitute for regular legislative processes, especially for structural changes to constitutional institutions. Guidelines distinguishing genuine emergencies from administrative convenience would strengthen constitutional governance.
Beyond increasing judicial strength, comprehensive reforms are needed to address the root causes of case pendency, including procedural reforms, alternative dispute resolution mechanisms, judicial infrastructure improvement, and better case management systems.
The May 2026 ordinance expanding the Supreme Court's strength represents a critical juncture in India's constitutional evolution. While addressing legitimate concerns about judicial capacity, it raises fundamental questions about executive power, parliamentary sovereignty, and constitutional propriety. The resolution of this controversy will shape the future relationship between India's constitutional institutions and establish important precedents regarding the limits of executive legislative power. As Parliament deliberates, the imperative must be to uphold constitutional processes while ensuring the judiciary's functional capacity to deliver justice.
"The use of Presidential ordinances under Article 123 to expand the Supreme Court's judicial strength raises fundamental questions about the separation of powers and parliamentary sovereignty." Critically examine this statement in light of the constitutional provisions under Articles 123 and 124(1), and the Supreme Court's ruling in D.C. Wadhwa case. (250 words, 15 marks)
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